Reference to Ottoman Sultan “Strangled by the People” Leads to Arrest of Renowned Journalist Fatih Altayli
"The Turkish people love the ballot box. This is a nation that, when displeased, has even strangled its own sultans — they’ve always wanted the power to remove those in charge."
Fatih Altaylı, once one of the most prominent figures in Turkey’s mainstream media, was arrested on Saturday. The reason for his detention was statements he made during a broadcast on his YouTube channel.
In response to the question, “They asked the public whether the President should remain in office for life. Apparently, 70% of the people were against it. How do you interpret this figure?” Altaylı commented:
“That figure is pretty much what I expected. Because aside from a significant portion of AKP voters and some MHP voters, no one would approve of such a thing. You might be upset with the Turkish people for various reasons — their voting patterns, habits, or choices. You might even disagree with them. Some, out of anger, call them names like ‘bucket-headed’ or ‘belly-scratching men.’ Those are personal opinions. But here’s what you cannot ignore: The Turkish people love the ballot box. They want the power to remain in their hands. Even if they put their own father in office, they still want the option to remove him. This is nothing new. Look at this nation’s history — not just recent times, but far back. This is a people who have strangled their own sultans when displeased.
They have booed their sultans. Many Ottoman sultans met violent ends — some were killed, others fell victim to conspiracies, some were strangled, or made to appear as if they committed suicide. So, while it may seem this people gives up on many things, they never tolerate losing their right to vote or their ability to determine who governs them — not forever. That’s why anyone dreaming of a true dictatorship here will never succeed. Just when they think they’ve achieved it, they’ll realize they haven’t. And in fact, it won’t be to their benefit, nor the country’s. We can clearly see this now. But this does not mean that 70% of the country hates Tayyip Erdoğan. Certainly, some people dislike him, and some may even hate him, but it’s not true that 70% of the country hates Erdoğan. Rather, 70% are saying, ‘Hold on a minute. We gave you authority, but that doesn’t mean you can turn it into a dynasty, stay in power for life, and eventually pass it to your son, son-in-law, or nephew.’ The Turkish people don’t want that. History shows they never have. ”
The day after his broadcast, a deceptively edited video clip began circulating widely on Twitter. Presidential Chief Advisor Oktay Saral targeted Altaylı with the remark, “Your water is starting to boil” — a phrase signaling impending trouble.
In his statement to the authorities, Altaylı insisted that his words were deliberately distorted and that he never intended to threaten anyone. He said he was simply providing a historical perspective highlighting the Turkish people's deep attachment to their right to vote. Despite this, the prosecution filed a request to arrest him under Article 310/2 of the Turkish Penal Code, which deals with physical attacks against the President and is linked to the crime of threat. The Criminal Court of Peace approved the request and ordered Altaylı’s arrest.
It’s important to note that this article normally applies to serious offenses such as assassination attempts or physical attacks against the President and carries a minimum prison sentence of five years. Thus, a statement that would not normally justify detention was reframed as a more serious offense, creating a legal basis for Altaylı’s arrest.
Following the court’s decision to hold Fatih Altaylı in pre-trial detention, his wife, Hande Altaylı, shared a message on social media, saying:
“Sometimes, it’s a thousand times better to be among those imprisoned than among those doing the imprisoning. Thank God!”
Since being ousted from mainstream media, Altaylı has been running a YouTube channel, which has around 1.5 million subscribers. His videos average around 650,000 views per day. For instance, on March 19, the day Istanbul Mayor and opposition figure Ekrem İmamoğlu was arrested, Altaylı’s livestream was watched by 1.5 million people.
It’s been rumored in political circles for a while that Altaylı was in the government’s crosshairs. Last year, he was issued a travel ban over a tweet. He was also falsely accused, along with several other opposition journalists, of being paid by the Istanbul Municipality to promote İmamoğlu’s public image.
After İmamoğlu’s arrest on March 19, Altaylı’s YouTube broadcasts drew significant attention. Even though RTÜK (Turkey’s broadcasting regulator) has no authority over YouTube content, authorities attempted to pressure him, demanding he obtain a license or risk having his channel blocked. But legally, they couldn’t enforce it.
In a recent column for HalkTV, opposition journalist İsmail Saymaz who himself was recently released from jail, commented on the situation:
“Can they shut down Altaylı’s YouTube channel?”
This is the first time in his life that Altaylı—one of the most watched and influential figures in Turkish media—has been arrested.
It’s likely they’re looking for a way to shut down his channel. And if that happens, other popular opposition outlets like Halk TV, Sözcü TV, and TELE1 may be next. Whatever courage is left in Turkish journalism will likely take a serious hit after this.
Let me give you some perspective:
Yesterday, outside Çağlayan Courthouse, only five journalists came to support Altaylı. Of those five, Barış Terkoğlu has been arrested twice, Murat Ağırel once. Ağırel and Timur Soykan were recently detained and later released by the courts. I spent 56 days under house arrest. Şule Aydın? She’s practically sleeping with one ear to the door—waiting for the police to knock.
They don’t want witnesses left behind.
Erdoğan wants to run again and secure another win.
Since İmamoğlu is the one candidate seen as capable of defeating Erdoğan, he’s been in jail since March 19. The government wants the narrative around the March 19 operation tightly controlled. Altaylı’s real ‘crime’ was challenging that narrative on his YouTube channel—exposing the operation, calling it out. That may have been his unforgivable sin.
The CHP (main opposition party), after becoming the top party in a recent election for the first time in 22 years, is now being targeted by schemes and backroom plots to undermine it—even at its own congress. As this assault on democracy unfolds, the government seems determined to leave no witnesses behind.
“Altaylı Backed Erdoğan Against Jail in 97 When It Mattered. Today, He’s the One Silenced”
Prof. Dr. Adem Sözüer, a key architect of Turkey’s current Penal Code and a prominent criminal law expert, spoke out against the arrest of journalist Fatih Altaylı. Sözüer responded with a detailed statement on social media, arguing that the legal basis for Altaylı’s arrest is flawed.
Sözüer emphasized that Article 310/2 of the Turkish Penal Code punishes physical attacks—such as assassination attempts or violent assaults—against the President, not verbal or press-based expressions. He explained that:
“‘Physical assault’ under the law means direct, physical actions—such as harm to someone’s body, health, sexual integrity, or freedom of movement—not words spoken in a media broadcast.”
He also referenced how this term is interpreted in other legal systems, such as German or Swiss law, where “tätlicher Angriff” (physical assault) is also strictly understood as physical, not verbal, acts.
To underline the irony of the current situation, Sözüer recalled that in 1997, when President Erdoğan was the mayor of Istanbul and faced potential arrest by the State Security Court, Fatih Altaylı opposed the decision. He even invited Erdoğan onto his live show on CINE 5 - taking a stance that was against the mainstream media narrative of the time.
Sözüer concluded with a pointed question:
“Back then, Altaylı stood against the media tide and supported Erdoğan. Now, are we seriously longing for the days of the State Security Courts?”
A Quarter Century of Crackdown — The Worst Era for Journalism in Turkey’s History
As Sözcü columnist Necati Doğru recalled in his piece titled "Journalist Fatih", Altaylı once wrote that, in 2007, he flew to New York aboard the prime minister’s plane with then-Prime Minister Erdoğan and continued:
"25 years later, the picture for journalists in Turkey looks far bleaker.
Since the early 2000s, the number of journalists arrested, detained, or summoned for questioning has surged. According to data from Reporters Without Borders (RSF), the Turkish Journalists’ Association (TGC), the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), and Platform 24 (P24), over 1,000 journalists have been targeted this way.
Between 2010 and 2023 alone, at least 3,000 journalists have stood trial. The charges? Everything from “spreading terrorist propaganda” to “leaking state secrets,” “insulting the president,” and “membership in illegal organizations.” From 2016 to 2020, at least 160 journalists were imprisoned."
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